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Similarly, do younger cultural and literary critics tend to situate their voices within, or in conflictual opposition to, the academic establishment of Scottish literary studies? The task is not only to nraes how political devolution is being represented and theorised, but also to determine what exactly might have been its impact on Scottish conceptualisations of the value and function of literary practice per se, both creative and critical, as well as the relationship between the individual intellectual or artist and the state and, by extension, the nation and global politics. The contributors include critics, creative writers, journalists and art administrators from Britain, Canada, Germany, Ireland, Italy, New Zealand and the United States, ranging from eminent scholars to younger voices at the beginning of their academic careers.

It seemed fruitful not only to allow but actively to encourage significant overlap between individual chapters. Thus various prominent themes, authors and individual literary works make recurrent appearances throughout the collection, identifying contemporary Scottish studies not as docile choir practice but as a busy parliament in which critics take each other to task, passionately contradict each other and, more often than not, come to markedly different conclusions. The formation of Scottish studies, now released for good from its traditional subsumption within the subject of English, must in itself be regarded as a devolutionary act, but it was never predicated on homogeneity or consensus and, as demonstrated by the Companion, the vociferous devolutionary dynamic that brought it into being in the first place continues.

Most pertinently in the present context, to conceive of nationhood as a structure of feeling inscribes it with possibilities for dynamic generational change, as capable of incorporating cultural transmutability instead of cherishing culture simply as a homeostatic tradition of national self-constancy. As Williams explains, one generation may train its successor, with reasonable success, in the social character or the general cultural pattern, but the new generation will have its own structure of feeling. The new generation responds in its own ways to the unique world it is inheriting, taking up many continuities.

Literary and other cultural representations of the personal and the political, the self and the nation, are assuming new guises and rehearsing previously unheard-of crises and emergencies.

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I am indebted to Jackie Jones at Edinburgh University Press for her faith in this project and to my colleagues in ullapol English Research Institute at Manchester Metropolitan University for generously supporting its completion. Un thanks are due to Sue Zlosnik inn Peter Gilroy. It would quite obviously have been impossible to put the Companion together without the enthusiastic commitment, effort and team spirit of all its contributors dor many thanks to all of Finrs As Richard Weight explains in Patriots: The more the English revelled ulla;ool the benefits of Conservative rule, the more the Scots and Welsh slluts them lcoal a nation of callous, selfish individuals.

In contrast, they saw themselves as peoples with a unique sense of community and compassion; a belief which the nationalist parties encouraged. Thatcherism and Conservatism in general came souts be synonymous with English nationalism in north and west Britain. Devolutionary Scottish writing — that is, writing produced and published Finds local sluts for sex in braes of ullapool the referenda of and — was always, of necessity, politically informed, or at least it was received and critiqued that way, and only locsl a success if it made — or could be construed as making — some kind of case for Scotland. Representation, both ror and critical, is no longer Best dating site for casual be FFinds by the interference of any extra-literary interests.

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Ought Scottish literature to continue to be burdened with an alleged national specificity, or should it be allowed to go cosmopolitan rather than native? Pertinently, however, in devolutionary times — coinciding with the ever-increasing cultural currency of postmodern, postcolonial and other politically eccentric artistic movements and debates — this apparent centuries-old shortcoming of Scottish culture would reveal itself as thoroughly advantageous. Under the aegis of a new zeitgeist not only suspicious of neat unities and entitative truths, but deeply responsive to processes of apparent cultural disintegration as conducive to democratic diversification, Scottish culture and politics came significantly to benefit and prosper.

As Cairns Craig acknowledged very early on: From this powerful critical paradigm shift, which champions the cultural authenticity of the fragmented, marginalised, shadowy and wounded over that of the allegedly intact, wholesome and self-contained, Scottish culture has emerged as from a distorting mirror. No longer regarded, or led to regard itself, as exclusively Scottish and thus found or finding itself lacking, it becomes free to reconceive of itself in broader terms, with reference to other cultures not just English cultureindeed as situated within a vibrant network of interdependent cultural contexts.

Interdependence is not the opposite of independence, but in fact reveals the folly of recourse to the latter term in the cultural domain. Independence is little more than an illusion or an aspiration that has been projected onto the cultural sphere through its persistent lack in the political sphere. Pluralism respects inherited boundaries and locates individuals within one or another of a series of ethno-racial groups to be protected and preserved. Cosmopolitanism is more wary of traditional enclosures and favors voluntary affiliations.

Cosmopolitanism promotes multiple identities, emphasizes the dynamic and changing character of many groups, and is responsive to the potential for creating new cultural combinations. Pluralism sees in cosmopolitanism a threat to identity, while cosmopolitanism sees in pluralism a provincial unwillingness to engage the complex dilemmas and opportunities actually presented by contemporary life. The mind needs reminding that it has hands and a heart and, in fact, that its thoughts will remain entirely abstract and inconsequential unless they translate into conscientious, ethically informed action. Macmurray does not intend to reinvent the human, but to repossess humanity of all its faculties, making it whole again by remedying its disabling Cartesian specification.

Scotland, like any other nation, exists not as an expression of our essence, nor as the by-product of our hybrid graftings, but as the object of our intentions. Scotland is our intended nation. Indeed, after a very short prologue R. We are who we are because we grew up the Stornoway way. We do not live in the back of beyond, we live in the very heart of beyond. What is most remarkable about R. Salinger or Helen Fielding. No fruitful countervision emerges from The Stornoway Way; nothing new enters the Scottish world. A true product of the times.

Insular Lewis smotherhugged by global America. One is left to wonder if, in R. In terms of a creative response to British devolution MacNeil seems equally unforthcoming. Most frustrating, however, is the centrality assigned to R. Do I, after all, care? What The Stornoway Way most desperately needs is an unequivocal, self-assured answer to these questions. Embracing globalisation as the new human condition, Morrison contrives to wrest from it a strong sense of planetary commonality among people, no matter whether they are male or female, gay or straight, white or black, Scottish, British, European or American — and it certainly does not matter what anyone happens to be wearing. In the unstoppably increasing absence of genuine individual uniqueness, it is imperative not to lose sight of our common humanity.

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